This paper exposes Mormonism's political criminality in Southern Utah. The events I speak of took place in late 1988 to early 1992. A California Corporation had built a circuit board job-shop in an industrial park in the north of St. George, Utah. In hasty anticipation, most of us hired (including me) believed we had finally found a good job in high-tech. But once the front doors opened, employees were informed by the general manager (GM) that (sic) only Mormon missionaries can be on my management team. This Englishman circuit board designer, referred to today as "Mr. English", had recently come to St. George and was waiting to receive his green card. All hourly employees, regardless of the position they held, or the education in which they brought with them to work, were hired at the same wage—the minimum $4.25 per hour.
Clearly, some who were observing Mr. English understood he was attempting to structure a work environment where active Mormons, in positions as supervisors and production workers, worked and cooperated with Mormon missionaries who were their managers. These facts can be established by looking at empirical evidence (demands for Mormon missionary affiliation by Mr. English) and physical evidence (employment records) that are open to any curious person through elementary investigation and simple observation.
Over the next several months (midway through 1989), Corporate California discovered what Mr. English was doing. Their discovery wasn't a coincidence either. Several employees, including myself, felt his prejudice and discrimination was an obvious violation of federal law. But afterward, Corporate California continued to cooperate with Mr. English. He openly began to brag about personally knowing the Corporate CEO, then abruptly resigned. Corporate California continued to consult with Mr. English and ultimately had him hire another general manager to take his place in St. George. All the while he proclaimed that our action against him was (sic) “politically unacceptable”. Hello! Management hadn't heard of The Civil Rights Act of 1964? Many, if not most, of the circuit boards being produced by this St. George circuit board shop were being shipped interstate. Stock of this California Corporation was listed on The New York Stock Exchange.
Now angry because he couldn't enact his exclusive missionary management policy, Mr. English selected a group of the shop’s exclusive missionary team and converted them to start his own circuit board factory. When this GM’s strategy failed again, these same Mormon missionaries were rehired back at the St. George shop. Apparently, management hadn't heard about conversion of corporate resources. It's interesting to note that the new GM, hired by Mr. English, couldn't turn on or operate his computer. How could the stockholders of this California Corporation approve of this economic behavior: first a dumb-down of general management and then a transfer managers (corporate resources) to someone who had resigned from Corporate California to produce and profit in the same industry—in other words compete?
Why would a California Corporation build its circuit board factory in Southern Utah? St. George is over one hundred miles from a major city—in another state. Obviously, its location was a logistical constraint in 1988. Wouldn't it have been more feasible for a large California Corporation to build a manufacturing job-shop in a large city—or even closer to, or adjoining, its California facility? Larger cities also have larger employment pools of qualified applicants and 24-hour delivery service for an on-time advantage. So how could a circuit board shop outside a one-horse town like St. George, Utah compete?
Mr. English violated federal and state laws and was not prosecuted, and neither was he deported. By 1988, Ronald Reagan had deregulated or underfunded institutions designed to protect Americans against abuse in the workplace; this included The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints capitalized, because they controlled both the economic and political arena—especially in Southern Utah. The population of St. George was roughly at forty-eight thousand in 1990. One person was available at EEOC—of course this was all due to budget cuts. Therefore, anyone who complained about a violation of federal law was compelled to wait three months for an investigation to begin. This one-person staff member also noted the employer would be given a month’s notice; and no, I haven't read much Kafka lately!
Where was the media in St. George? Who was, and who still is, controlling the newspapers and radio stations in Southern Utah—why all the repression? Mr. English got away with converting a California Corporation’s employees for his own personal use. This was with the tacit approval of a California Corporate CEO and its board of directors. What would all this “observable” evidence say about culpability of the St. George City Fathers? Karl Brooks, a Mormon missionary, was the Mayor of St. George, Utah circa 1990. State and city dignitaries were frequently in the St. George plant in its beginning months of operation.
The evidence in this essay points to political crimes resulting from a Reagan policy of defunding/deregulation. This policy allowed political criminals using a circuit board shop to commit federal and state crimes. These political crimes were committed by “outsiders” (legal persons outside of Mormonism), a California Corporation, for the cost advantage of paying below-normal wages. Political crimes were also committed by "insiders" people affiliated with Mormonism, Utah residents and local government officials, for financial (certainly tithing and maybe kickbacks) and systematic, political gain. This was also an economic model for Mormon corruption—a way of gathering tithing, and labor from members through businesses the Mormon Church controlled—The Mormon Money Machine.